ple mented by the United States of America. This is not merely an administrative coordination, but the awareness of a set of issues that must be analysed and treated by PCS with sub-regional logic.

The simultaneity of the various political momentums in the region, in particular, Peru undergoing a favourable democratic transition stage, and Colombia, where the conflict has become more intense, constitute an opportunity as well as a challenge for PCS to define priorities and strategies.

Ecuador, Venezuela and even Bolivia, do not escape PCS concern regarding the impact of the Colombian conflict. PCS border strategy must be reinforced because many of the issues that motivated PCS intervention are going to worsen in those zones. The work at the borders goes beyond the Andean regions and in certain moments, must also include the Panama and even the Brazilian borders. However, the situation of refuge is going to be dealt in this section of the document because of the Andean impact of the conflict. The need to protect and promote the rights of the uprooted populations, the prevention of displacements and the support to generate better conditions for a safe and sustainable return will be the axes of PCS actions in border issues.
After working in the region for over a decade having as the main problem the forced internal displacements, PCS received important demands to aid in refuge issues. The experience in Central America must be a key element to elaborate the PCS strategies for this new stage in the Andean sub-region.

The social, political, economic and cultural effects of illegal coca and poppy growth, as well as drug trafficking, now appear more clearly as issues that will become very important in the future, in particular in conflict and post-conflict areas. In view of this, PCS evaluates the convenience of having a more systematic intervention, accepting the significant impact in the dynamics of the Colombian population flow towards the neighbouring countries. Furthermore, this will increase in the near future.